By Hassan Osman Kargbo
Since independence in 1961, Sierra Leone’s politics has been defined by two giants: the All People’s Congress (APC) and the Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP). Their dominance has been so enduring that many Sierra Leoneans believe the 2028 elections, like those before it, will again be a contest between the two political parties: APC and SLPP.
Just as Americans expect the Presidency to alternate between Democrats and Republicans, and the British view national leadership as a choice between Labour and the Conservatives, Sierra Leoneans have come to accept the APC and SLPP as the natural rulers of their nation. The SLPP, formed in 1951, led Sierra Leone into independence. The APC, born in 1960, rose quickly as its formidable rival. Over the decades, they have alternated in power, building vast grassroots networks that stretch from villages to cities.
“Politics in Sierra Leone is like football,” says Mohamed Koroma, a political science student at Fourah Bay College. “You are either red or green. Once your family supports a party, you grow up wearing the same color.”
This deep-rooted loyalty explains why new parties find it almost impossible to break through.
In addition, Sierra Leone’s political history is dotted with ambitious third forces that briefly lit up the stage, only to fade away. In 1996, the United National People’s Party (UNPP) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), founded by the late Thaimu Bangura, made headlines. Both attracted significant votes but failed to survive the following years. The 2007 elections brought another dramatic moment. Charles Francis Margai, after splitting from the SLPP, formed the People’s Movement for Democratic Change (PMDC). With 15 percent of the vote and parliamentary seats, the PMDC looked set to rewrite Sierra Leone’s political script. But within a few years, the party collapsed under pressure.
More recently, Dr. Kandeh Yumkella’s National Grand Coalition (NGC) rose to prominence ahead of the 2018 elections. With strong urban support and international attention, the NGC looked promising. Yet, by 2023, its influence had shrunk drastically.
“The story is always the same,” notes political commentator Isata Conteh. “These parties come with energy, attract media attention, even win seats. But they lack the staying power of APC and SLPP.”
Moreover, the reasons for this repeated pattern are both structural and cultural. First, the APC and SLPP command deep-rooted loyalty passed down through generations. Second, their grassroots machinery—from chiefs to youth groups and it ensures mass mobilization during campaigns. Third, Sierra Leone’s electoral thresholds and first-past-the-post system make it extremely difficult for smaller parties to secure representation. Then, there is the issue of resources. “Politics here is expensive,” explains a retired civil servant in Bo. “The big parties can spend millions on campaigns. New parties simply can’t keep up.”
Supporters of the two-party dominance argue it prevents the country from splintering into dozens of small, unstable parties. But critics say it shuts the door on innovation. “Young people are frustrated,” says Fatmata Jalloh, a small business owner at Wellington, Freetown. “We want new voices and new ideas, but somehow it’s always APC or SLPP. It feels like nothing will ever change.”
With just three years to the next general elections, Sierra Leoneans are already bracing for another APC-SLPP showdown. Smaller parties may participate, but few expect them to pose a serious challenge.
“Unless a third force can build structures in every district and win trust over time, it’s simply not possible,” says analyst Isata Conteh. “For now, Sierra Leone will remain red and green.”
To conclude, from Independence to today, Sierra Leone’s story has been written almost entirely by the APC and SLPP. Attempts by the UNPP, PDP, PMDC, and NGC to change that story have ended in failure. Like the U.S. and U.K., Sierra Leone seems destined to remain a two-party state, with the APC and SLPP continuing their unshakable dominance.
