By Sayoh Kamara
The main opposition party, the All Peoples Congress (APC) is at a crossroads in the wake of the August, 2026 National Delegates Conference that will elect national executives and a flagbearer for the 2028 elections.
With the myriad of contestants mostly of members who had served the APC in the government of former President Ernest Bai Koroma and a few new entrants, it appears though as if one of the new kid on the block, Mohamed Ormodu Kamara aka Jagaban, is catching the attention of members and non members of the APC in a deliberately crude fashion because of the cash he is lavishing on the people and on so-called projects on all fronts in the name of campaigning for the party’s flagbearership.
To many of the contestants, this is putting them at a disadvantaged position as what Jagaban is overtly engaged in tantamounts to vote-buying and deception with the ability of undermining the fairness and transparency that had long been advocated for.
But Jagaban appears to be operating free-flow, unchecked and it is apparent that he is not doing what he is doing in the name of the APC party; but for his own aggrandisement and to ensure he has edge over his fellow contestants at the Convention.
Due to the high level of poverty, would-be Delegates are so vulnerable and susceptible to vote-selling. This has the proclivity of undermining the fairness and possible acceptability of a Jagaban flagship.
Below, I have attempted to do a structured political analysis that places the Jagaban phenomenon within the broader strategic dilemma facing the APC, especially as it seeks unity, legitimacy, and electoral viability ahead of 2028.
The All Peoples Congress (APC) is about to enter the August National Delegates Conference (NDC) at a delicate historical moment. As the main opposition party, still recovering from its 2018 and 2023 electoral defeats and internal schisms, the NDC is not merely a procedural event; it is a defining test of the party’s moral authority, internal democracy, and readiness to reclaim State House in 2028.
As the contestant table is showing, the current contest is dominated by aspirants who previously served under the APC administration of former President Ernest Bai Koroma, alongside a few relatively new entrants. This mix reflects both continuity and change, but it also exposes a structural tension: the struggle between experience and renewal.
In this crowded field, competition was expected to be intense but principled. However, the emergence of Jagaban as a major attention-grabber has altered the dynamics in a way that raises serious ethical and strategic questions.
Jagaban is using money as political capital. His sudden and rapid rise in visibility is largely attributed not to ideological clarity, party service, or a compelling national vision, but to the extensive deployment of cash and material inducements across party structures and communities. While framed as “support for the party” or “mobilisation,” the scale and timing of these expenditures strongly suggest a targeted strategy to influence delegate behaviour ahead of the NDC.
In a country grappling with deep poverty, such practices carry disproportionate influence. Would-be delegates, many of whom face daily economic hardship, become highly vulnerable to inducements, blurring the line between persuasion and outright vote-buying. This creates an uneven playing field that disadvantages contestants who choose to campaign within ethical or resource-constrained limits.
In the face of this blatant outlandish manifestations, fairness and rules appear to be compromised and the APC as an institution is silent over it.
Perhaps more troubling than the act itself is the apparent absence of effective internal regulation. Jagaban’s “free-flow” operations point to either a failure or a reluctance by party authorities to enforce rules governing campaign conduct.
This institutional silence sends dangerous signals:
That money, rather than merit or service, is becoming the primary currency of advancement within the APC.
That the party may be willing to sacrifice internal fairness for short-term mobilisation.
That other aspirants are left feeling cheated, marginalised, or compelled to adopt similar tactics, further degrading internal democracy.
What are being undertaken by Ormodu in what seems to be in the name of the APC, is not, rather, it is personal and not in the party interest. There is growing perception that Jagaban’s campaign is less about strengthening the APC and more about personal aggrandisement. When campaign activities appear to orbit around an individual rather than party structures, ideology, or collective discipline, it undermines the very unity that party, like the APC is so desperately in need of right now.
If party members conclude that the flagbearership can be “bought,” the eventual winner—especially if it is Jagaban, he may face a legitimacy deficit. Such a flagbearer would struggle to command loyalty, inspire sacrifice, or reconcile aggrieved factions, all of which are prerequisites for mounting a credible national campaign in 2028.
This by all indications, but the unity of the APC at risk and it would put the party in dire situation.
A key danger is not just who wins at the NDC, but how they win. A convention perceived as monetised and manipulated risks either of the following:
* Post-convention grievances and possible defections.
* Passive resistance or non-cooperation from key party actors; and,
* A fractured APC entering the 2028 race, weakened before the first ballot is cast.
What the APC officials that are managing this internal elections processes and members across the board should noted is that: unity imposed by money is fragile; but unity forged through fairness and shared purpose is durable.
For a party seeking to present itself as a credible alternative to the ruling government, internal contradictions are costly. An APC that cannot regulate its own internal democratic processes will struggle to convincingly argue for national good governance, anti-corruption, and accountability.
Moreover, a flagbearer emerging from a tainted process becomes an easy target for political opponents and public skepticism, particularly among young voters and civil society actors already disillusioned with money politics.
This moment therefore is one of choice for the in-coming APC Delegates.
The circumstances under review puts the APC stands at a crossroads. It can either:
allow unchecked money politics to define its internal contests, risking legitimacy, unity, and long-term electoral prospects; or
reassert discipline, enforce rules, and place fairness and credibility at the centre of its renewal process.
How the party handles the Jagaban phenomenon will not only shape the outcome of the August NDC but will also signal whether the APC is truly ready to govern again—or merely to recycle the very practices that contributed to its past setbacks.
In the end, the APC’s greatest challenge is not Jagaban alone, but whether it has the institutional courage to put the party above personal interest and ambition.
