By Sheriff Mahmud Ismail (Abuja)
Throughout Sierra Leone’s history there have been many stories, some proud, others painful, about the country’s political architecture. Among the most poignant of these stories is the reflection on how, long before independence, a structure was imposed upon the nation that continues to distort its politics and development. As time passes, the disruptive impact of the heritage of colonial rule over the small West African nation becomes even more disturbing.
Colonial Convenience, National Consequence
Under British colonial rule, chiefdoms across Sierra Leone were redrawn without respect to identity, community, geographic or development logic. In the Northern Province, where local resistance to colonial authority was particularly strong, the British merged multiple chiefdoms into vast administrative blocks. The goal was simple: fewer chiefs meant less resistance, fewer negotiations, and lower governance costs.This created sprawling territories like Nene Chiefdom in Koinadugu District and Lokomasama Chiefdom in Port Loko District, which were much bigger, almost comparable to some districts in the Southern and Eastern regions. Yet, Bonthe District, for instance, smaller in size than Karene and Falaba was granted eleven separate chiefdoms, with its own chieftaincy, political representation, and share of development funding. Nene and Lokomasama, which largely became Falaba and Karene, each was counted as a single unit.
Let me visualize this imbalance in the following table:
District Overview (2015 Data)
| District | Area (km²) | Population (2015 Census) |
| Falaba | 7,423 km | 205,353 |
| Karene | 5,828 km² | 285,546 |
| Bonthe | 3,468 km² | 200,730 |
| Moyamba | 6,902 km² | 318,064 |
| Pujehun | 4,105 km² | 345,577 |
From the table above, Bonthe District, with a population of only 200,730, covering 3,468 km, enjoyed eleven voices in national affairs while the territories that became Karene, with a population of 285,546 spanning 5,828 km; and Falaba, with a population of 205,353 covering 7,423 km, were grossly underrepresented, underfunded and underdeveloped before they were created as districts. This was, quite simply, an injustice. And it did not end with colonialism.
Post-Independence Silence and the Power of the Status Quo
When the Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP) took over the reins of government after independence, they inherited this colonial framework, and kept it. Why? Because the imbalance worked in their favour. The SLPP’s historical strongholds had smaller chiefdoms and, therefore, disproportionate access to political representation and development resources.
Rather than rectify a known distortion, they deepened it, maintaining boundaries that tilted parliamentary seats, central government funding, and administrative attention in their direction. What is even more disheartening is that even when the All People’s Congress (APC) rose to power, earlier administrations failed to summon the political courage to correct the imbalance. It became a national open secret: a wrong everyone knew but few dared to confront.
Righting a Historic Wrong: The De-amalgamation Initiative
In 2017, the APC administration under President Ernest Bai Koroma decided it was time to act; to right the colonial wrong.This was not some mere redrawing of maps or political gerrymandering. It was a deliberate, data-driven response to a deep-rooted injustice. De-amalgamation sought to reverse the forced colonial consolidations, giving marginalized communities a voice and a seat at the table. It was about restoring dignity, ensuring fair representation, and paving a path to equitable development.
This vision birthed Falaba District, carved out of the once-overwhelming Koinadugu. It also gave birth to Karene District, a consolidation of portions from Bombali and Port Loko. These weren’t favours to political allies; they were efforts to reflect the realities on the ground of population, size, culture, and need.
A Dangerous Comparison: APC Did Not Need to Create Districts to Win- The Data Proves It
Today, however, a troubling comparison is being made. Since the current SLPP government announced plans to create a new city out of Lungi, alongside new districts under the banner of decentralisation, SLPP proponents have put forward, in its defense, the argument that the APC dealmalgamated chiefdoms and created two districts to increase political interest. Sadly, some middle–of – the-road commentators have fallen for that specious argument and are carelessly reinforcing it.
But this comparison is misleading, even dangerous because the APC did not need to create districts to win. The data proves that that argument is both politically and empirically unsound. A deeper look at electoral data from 2002 to 2018, across all levels of governance, shows that the APC’s political ascendancy was already well underway, with consistent and measurable growth, even under the electoral supervision of the SLPP.
APC’s Parliamentary Rise Began Long Before 2014
In 2002, under an SLPP government and election authority, the APC moved from 5 seats (1996) to 27 seats, a 440% increase.
By 2007, it surged to 59 seats and formed the majority. In 2012, it rose further to 67 seats, securing a commanding lead. Even in 2018, after tenures of governance and reform, the APC won 68 seats, before SLPP’s controversial court ruling removed 10 APC MPs to flip the parliamentary balance.
This growth trajectory, with the exception of 2018, occurred without the existence of Karene or Falaba Districts.
Local Council Data Paints a Similar Picture
Across the 2008 and 2012 local council elections, a similar trend holds. APC won the majority of councils in the North, West, and parts of East, including swing districts like Kono.
In 2012, even in Southern and Eastern strongholds of SLPP, the APC gained votes and council presence, especially in Kailahun and Kenema, where their vote share steadily increased across multiple bye-elections, from 4% in 2007 to 35.36% by 2016 in Kailahun’s Constituency 001.There is a similar APC performance in Moyamba at council level.
Clearly, APC’s growth was rooted in performance, grassroots mobilization, and strategic outreach, not gerrymandering.
The Creation of Karene and Falaba Was Driven by Developmental Equity
As I have explained, the creation of Falaba and Karene Districts were not power grabs; they were part of APC’s broader decentralization and service-delivery agenda, bringing governance closer to historically underserved areas. The population sizes, geographic spread, and logistical challenges of the parent districts justified these changes.
Moreover, Falaba has remained electorally competitive, with SLPP gaining local council seats there even in 2018. In subsequent bye-elections, APC’s win with 81.4% in Ward 138 confirmed that the people, not administrative manipulation, determine electoral outcomes.
Western Area, a Case in Point
Despite no new district creation in Western Area, APC maintained over 55% of votes in both Urban and Rural councils in 2018. This further debunks the narrative that administrative division equals electoral dominance.
SLPP’s gains have also recorded some electoral growth over the period under review. They won major local council victories in 2018, securing 270 of 493 local seats (54.8%), including breakthroughs in Kambia, Karene, and Falaba. Did they also create those districts or they were acquired through fraud? The data shows that voters across Sierra Leone are largely responsive to messaging, leadership, and policies.
Leadership Demands Restraint, Not Just Power
As I noted in my previous article, “Rethinking the Path Forward: Why Responsible Decentralisation Must Be Rooted in Planning Equity, and Capacity,” true leadership lies way less in showing that one can make changes, and more in knowing when and why to do so. Now is not the time to create more councils. It is the time to strengthen the ones we already have. It is the time to build capacity, improve local revenue collection, assess performance, and plan effectively. That is how decentralisation becomes meaningful. Let us focus on building institutions and respecting voter choice, not delegitimizing past reforms with selective accusations.
We need a national review, not an expansion spree.
This is bigger than politics ultimately, this conversation should not be about APC or SLPP. It should be about what kind of country we want to be.
Do we continue to live with systems built to exclude, or do we confront uncomfortable histories and build more equitable structures?
When I reflect on the generational stories about the bright, promising determinednation, and yet so often blocked by invisible barriers, I am reminded of the importance of this moment.
Conclusion: Influence Comes from Trust, Not Territories
The APC didn’t need to create new districts to build political capital. It was already rising on a strong foundation of electoral success, policy performance, and expanding national reach. The steady increase in APC’s votes and seatsfrom 2002 to 2018, demonstrates that voter confidence, not cartographic engineering, was the true source of its power.
The APC’s decentralisation reforms therefore, were rooted in justice, evidence, and a desire to correct historical inequality. In contrast, the SLPP’s proposed expansion appears unfounded, unplanned, and fiscally irresponsible, particularly at a time when the nation is reeling from economic distress, currency depreciation, and widespread hardship.
The SLPP’s proposed expansion, without justification, risks becoming a step back into patronage and dysfunction. There is no data, no public consultations, no feasibility studies, no impact assessments.Why create more administrative structures when existing councils are struggling to function, and local governance lacks capacity, funding, and personnel? How does one justify a new city in Lungi, a location already integrated into Port Loko’s urban planning ecosystem, when basic services in Bo, Kenema, and Makeni remain underfunded?
No doubt, this is not decentralisation;it is political multiplication without governance justification.
The data is clear and if Sierra Leone must be saved, Sierra Leoneans must think beyond tribes and parties. Bad governance does not discriminate, it spares no Mende, no Temne, no Limba, no Fullah, no Kono.This is a moment to be bold. But more importantly, it is a moment to be wise.
